BRAZIL & WORLD'S NEWS IN ENGLISH
Despite all the mainstream media's stratagem, eventually Trump won.
This time American conservatives chose a winner to regain the White House, nevertheless part of the mainstream media did not get it and the other did but acted in order not to inform news consumers that Trump really had a shot to win. So almost all the journalists acted in denial.
Mainstream media wanted Trump to concede defeat before the election.
As a matter of fact not all Republicans supported Trump. That's because internal fights, hurt feelings and even the disdain for the persona of the nominee became so intense that created wounds hard to heal, making it difficult for the party to rally together around the presidential candidacy. The Bushes, for instance, took as personal the attacks made by Trump on Jeb Bush during the primaries and opted by voting for Hillary Clinton.
With a divided party and almost the entire media predicting his doom, Trump had to bootstrap his way to win the election and everyone but his constituents believed he had any chance. However, it happened that there were a lot of them who used to recognize each other in the events promoted by the candidate or being aware of the huge audience enjoyed by the alternative media.
Trump spoiled today's headlines of the mainstream media that would be "Trump is going to concede defeat". But see what Hillary already said about the election of George W. Bush:
Oct 27, 2002, Newsweek: Hillary Clinton to Crowd at Fund-Raiser in Los Angeles: Bush Was 'Selected' President, Not Elected; Says Bush's Machine Has Raised Far More Money to 'Ruin the Reputations of Our Candidates'
NEW YORK, Oct. 27 /PRNewswire/ -- At a private fund-raiser in Los Angeles for Democratic Sen. Jean Carnahan of Missouri, Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton told the crowd that President Bush merely had been "selected" president, not elected, Newsweek reports in the current issue. "You know, I'm a fan of Clintonomics," she told the crowd while standing from a perch on the staircase of movie producer Alan Horn's art-filled Bel Air home, "and this administration is destroying in months our eight years of economic progress."
The Car Wash Shows You Cannot Be Naive In Dealing With Mafias.
Since it began its investigations into the Petrobras’ enormous corruption scheme, the Car Wash operation has been criticized for the pyrotechnics used both in its police raids and subsequent press conferences as well as for other alleged technicalities.
Obviously, most who speak out are those with links to the investigated themselves and who try to undermine the operation by pegging the whole of it as full of illegalities. But many naive souls reverberate some of these argumentations because they believe they are defending the rule of law by preventing the state from becoming authoritarian.
Certainly, there is always that risk. Nevertheless, we—and mainly the opinion makers —, must have the lucidity to see that the law enforcement agents should have at least the same fire power of those who they aim to target.
Mafias are powerful associations even while they operate in the shadow of the law but at places where they control politics, hence having the legal power to make and enforce the law, they turn out to be omnipotent.
Therefore, if exists a mafia operating at the highest levels of a government already, it is a clear indicator that the rule of law might no longer be in effect there. And by blindly obeying the law the police can be following orders of the political mobsters.
The leftists know they have no majority in Congress to govern if Rousseff is "acquitted", but they don't care about it.
The vote in the Senate that can seal the fate of Brazil's suspended president is still too close to call, despite the vote count required for the impeachment already had reached one vote more than the necessary minimum when the senators voted on Rousseff's suspension.
So, the leftists, mainly those who held jobs in the now no longer existing Marxist administration, dream of changing the minds of at least two senators—which seems to be enough—to reinstate Rousseff and begin a renewed government.
Nonetheless, the support from "pragmatic" politicians who used to back a leftist federal government, in exchange for maintaining their regional influences while taking or not personal advantages, has been waning.
Therefore, if the suspended president were to return to power she would start with an opposition of about two thirds of the members of either house of Congress, meaning, on the one hand, her administration wouldn't be able to do anything useful for the country but, on the other hand, it would be capable of keeping the Workers' Party's supporters—who already are being sacked and replaced—safe in federal positions.
The Left is in search for outsiders’ minds to incept its “coup” version.
The leftists know they are losing the impeachment battle for president Dilma Rousseff, who is suspended now being judged by responsibility crime, and perhaps some of them even want her to be removed from office for good.
However, as the struggle for power never ceases, they already are trying to make prevail their romantic version of the facts, which also fits the purpose of undermining the new government into deeming it as illegitimate.
But right now, their fairytale only finds acceptance among diehard socialists in Brazil and the possibility of their story to become history is inversely related to the success or fail of Michel Temer’s administration.
Thus the Left launched a campaign abroad relying on a leftward biased foreign media, in order that the “coup” version begins to be written and enhanced as the time goes by.
Such incredible plots as the unveiled by the Car Wash investigations, which exceeded Netflix’s House of Cards’ ones, would draw big audience everywhere in the world but radical left-wing journalists are fascinated by the narrative that what is going on in Brazil is a parliamentary coup.
And one of the strongest voices behind this strategy is the British newspaper The Guardian. The London paper mainly through its correspondent Glenn Greenwald, has been reporting the current crises in Brazil in a very favorable way for Dilma Rousseff administration, and if it does not come to the point of stating openly that Rousseff’s impeachment proceedings is a coup Greenwald does when he talks to other means of communication.
If the Left wanted to govern through the Supreme Court it should have chosen less would-be jurists and more dumb radical justices.
The Left, which appointed nine out of the eleven justices of the STF(Brazil’s Supreme Court), was expecting the Brazilian Court for constitutional issues to strike down every attempt to impeach Dilma Rousseff going through Congress, as if it was an obligation for left-wing judges to defend a socialist government.
Nevertheless, despite the justices nominated by the two last leftist presidents had hindered and delayed the process they did not overrule it and even now that they suspended the right-wing House Speaker, who was one of the main causers of Rousseff’s fate, they acted too late.
Unlike the Bolivarian Venezuelan Supreme Court, whose model Brazil’s STF was meant “according to the Forum of SP’s plans” to work in a similar way, the House of the Justices in Brazil did not become entirely subordinated to the Workers’ Party’s will.
Truly, there are two justices who would do everything to save the leftist government and its project of power and another two or three who would do “almost” everything, but except for the two most stalwart allies none of the other seven would risk their necks or legacy to spare the doom of Rousseff and the PT.
On the verge of losing power the Left tries another approach and calls for general elections.
By making a coalition with non-leftist forces and putting a member of these forces as vice president the Left gambled that nothing would happen to president Dilma Rousseff during her terms, and if it did—in case of death or a permanent disability—the VP Michel Temer would feel compelled to subject himself to the Workers' Party guidelines.
But that recipe that worked well for the two terms of the former president Lula and Dilma Rousseff's first one began to show cracks already in the beginning of Rousseff's second term, when the early calls for impeachment or resignation of the president or even the revocation of her 2014 presidential ticket arose.
Also the stubbornness of Rousseff and her Workers' Party to not accept the election of the Speaker Eduardo Cunha who, for good or bad, had been elected mostly by representatives belonging to the ruling coalition and apparently did not try at first to sabotage the government, gave room to the emergence of new partnerships in Congress.
For an administration which outspent the budget, to win the 2014 presidential election and stay in power, it would be advisable to give up its pride in order to share the burden of a weak economy with the largest possible number of allies, ceding some power but maintaining key positions.
Nonetheless, the leftists seemed to be lost between the uncertainty of stepping up or slowing down their revolution, since given the overwhelming influence they maintained on the Supreme Court they had doubts about whether they still needed to hand so much power to Congress or if they could resist and wait until a new friendlier legislature being elected. As a result of the ban by the STF on corporate campaign financing the Left was expecting a more progressive Congress to be elected in 2018, but the fear of losing the country's presidency made them want to advance the 2018 elections to 2016.
Sérgio Moro is one of the 100 most influential people
by TIME magazine.
Time magazine "Cleaning up corruption. Brazilians call him SuperMoro, chanting his name on the streets of Rio de Janeiro as if he were a soccer star. But Sergio Moro is just a judge, albeit one prosecuting a corruption scandal so huge it could bring down a President—and perhaps change a culture of graft that has long hobbled his country’s progress.
Operation Car Wash, as his investigation is called, found that kickbacks were paid to middlemen and politicians in exchange for contracts at Petrobras, the state-run oil company. The money is huge, but even bigger is the political impact, with hundreds of lawmakers under investigation. Although she hasn’t been directly linked to any bribery, President Dilma Rousseff now faces impeachment in part because of Moro’s work.
Moro has been accused of ignoring due process, and he’s been more than willing to try his cases in the court of public opinion. But most Brazilians feel that his sharp-elbowed tactics are worth the trade-off for a cleaner country."
More than the Foreign Press Rousseff Is Trying to Convince Herself and Her Peers.
Dilma Rousseff, who is unable to convince more than ten percent of her own people that she did nothing wrong and is being an innocent victim of a right-wing conspiracy, now goes abroad to sell the speech that she is suffering a coup.
Perhaps, left-wing "big fans of Lula" correspondents, who make up the majority of the foreign press in Brazil, gave to Rousseff the misleading sensation that other nations would be more willing to listen to her complaints and support her.
In Brazil every time Rousseff tries to reach the public no one—except for the mandatory media coverage—pays heed to her and people even resort to banging pans and booing her when she starts speaking.
Nevertheless, as she and the leftist radical parties supporting her government rule out the possibility of giving up the presidency of Brazil they at least need to show for their loyalists that there still are outsiders who believe them.
Coup Would Be If They Stay.
Now, 69 percent of Brazilians want the impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff and 82 percent disapprove of her government, she has no more a majority in Congress and both her administration and presidential campaigns are targets of investigations into allegations of enormous corruption schemes, but she and her supporters keep saying that it would be a coup if Congress members approve her ousting without a proven crime.
The catch is that even if there is the certainty that a crime was perpetrated, if you give the defendant president all the rights to appeal, which is granted for any ordinary citizen, an eventual political punishment with the loss of her mandate would end up being ineffective, because when it comes to happen the presidential term would be ended or be in its last days.
Therefore, it could be rewarding for an elected authority, to the detriment of the voters, to break the law relying on the relative slowness of common legal proceedings, when—weighing up the pros and cons—it can translate into political gains.
And that is the very case of Dilma Rousseff and her ruling Workers’ Party, which after coming to power do not intend to hand it over anymore. The communists think they are promoting a never-ending revolution, since they do not have a strong conviction of how a post-revolutionary society should turn out to be, which leaves them free to stay in charge of the government for good.
To follow the Foro of Sao Paulo's plans of a Great Socialist Latin America it is inconceivable for the communists to lose Brazil's presidency even if momentarily, because the country is thought to be the powerhouse for its more fundamentalist bolivarianist satellite neighbors.
Thus, to avoid that a ruler breaks the law intentionally, thinking about benefiting from the passing of the time, is that impeachment proceedings are more politically quick than legally slow.
The Right-wing Option.
If you are a higher educated middle-class guy “even being conservative” you would probably first-hand disapprove of Jair Bolsonaro presidential campaign strategy. The representative from Rio de Janeiro in Brazil’s lower house of Congress is increasingly attending cheesy popular talk shows, where he argues with gay activists and human rights champions (sometimes in vulgar language), praises the 1964 military regime and does not care to discuss the so-called “major” political and economic issues.
And because of his outbursts of political incorrectness the mainstream media—which seems to enjoy writing headlines about him—unanimously smears the right-wing politician as homophobic, fascist and admirer of military dictatorships. Therefore, many of the rightists who are eager to support a true conservative candidate must think Bolsonaro is unfit to be president and that he should first change his manners to stand a better chance.
Nevertheless, amid the overall awareness of what the current left-wing government has turned out to be and of what the one that was overthrown by the military in 1964 could really have meant, as the time goes by the representative has been gaining more acceptance and his name already appears on lists of the top five politicians who are thought to be running in the 2018 presidential race.
It seemed that Bolsoraro, who is also a former Army captain, understood that it makes no sense to waste time courting the so-called opinion makers who would hardly vote on him and decided to look directly for people who did not know him and could do otherwise. And despite his presidential bid seeming a long shot now, it already represents good news for the conservative cause since a stronger right-wing candidate can move the axis of Brazil’s politics that has become so much imbalanced to the Left.
Moreover, if he was already able to fare well in debates with two or more people, even when biased mediators gang up on him as shown on the above video, he is now acquiring a more consistent economic and political speech that makes his sharp tongue sharper.
They Speak There As They Speak Here.
For many who still see the U.S. as a last resort to flee the communist advance in Latin America, it’s worth taking a look at what is going on there now to evaluate whether the Americans are living in an environment so different to ours.
Right now, even an open socialist candidate—being that not so long ago any American politician regarded as leftist had no chance of flying high—is dreaming of replacing the current not-so-open socialist president Barack Obama.
Bernie Sanders, 74, is supported mostly by the so-called millennial generation, people aged between 18 and 29 who have a world view in line with the preaching the Left has been delivering over the last decades.
And his platform follows a standard leftist script, advocating public campaign financing, higher taxes on the rich, a welfare state, less incarceration and more education as a panacea to fight criminality and so on, which makes his young audience cheer him as if he is a rock star.
It may sound mean to say that governments establish the drafting age around 18 because if it were 40 no one would show up for duty, but the youth indeed is a kind of naive and more susceptible to accept pipe dreams as something achievable.
In its last issue, Veja, the biggest Brazilian weekly magazine, brought a special coverage on the lifestyle of Brazil’s millennial generation, reporting that parents are taken aback by their teenage children’s behavior and are learning how to deal with them.
Really? Are parents learning how to treat their children when they are almost grown-ups?
But what makes things worse is that even self-proclaimed conservatives—as the above referred magazine—seem to believe that this “eccentric” generation comes as a result of a social evolutionary process.
It’s an undisputed truth that the Left lost the armed war of the ‘60s and ‘70s in Brazil but has been winning the culture war since then. The mainstream media, which lie on the front lines of the battles, are made up almost entirely of leftist journalists who are ever replaced by new ones whose minds were carefully indoctrinated at classes from the elementary school to college.
Over almost five decades the Right, either by snobbery of its thinkers or by being expelled from newsrooms, was practically eliminated from the cultural scenario leaving the battleground—the new generations’ ever-hungry-for-knowledge minds—uncontested to be conquered by the Left. The left-wing thought spreads smoothly back and forth from the news outlets to universities and schools retro feeding each other with argumentations that aim at sustaining the ideas which form the socialist ideologies and keeping a nearly hegemonic way of thinking.
So, it was not by chance that the millennium generation is what it is.
Some are waiting for the eleventh hour to resort to an unorthodox solution in order to avoid a communist dictatorship in Brazil, but then it could be too late.
An interview and a lecture given by the chief of the Southern Military Command, general Antonio Hamilton Martins Mourão, criticizing the Workers’ Party’s government, raised concerns on those who fear the return to a military regime and were enough to remove him from a command of troops.
In the interview the general was questioned about a threat of invasion of the country by Evo Morales of Bolivia, who vowed to do so in case of Brazilian Congress come to topple Dilma Rousseff from the presidency, and answered that Brazil was prepared for such a menace; and in the lecture he envisaged possible scenarios either for Rousseff staying or falling—but in both talks the general stressed the current political degradation that may lead the country into chaos.
So the communist government that seems to be constantly checking the political mood on the military to feel if there’s some kind of resistance to its agenda, which already imposed a member of the communist party as defense minister, ordered the removal of the general to an administrative post.
Obviously, everybody who supports Dilma Rousseff’s government approved the punishment of the general but most of those who are against the Workers’ Party’s administration also agree that he should keep his mouth shut on behalf of the democracy.
But is the PT’s administration a government that follows democratic rules or is it only using the loopholes of democracy to establish an autocratic regime? And if the latter is true, how democratic still are we?
Should we righteously obey democratic principles while the communists, who really want a dictatorship of the proletariat, bend the laws to gradually destroy democracy?
Also in an interview, after the dismissal of the general Antonio Mourão, the commander of the Army, general Eduardo Villas Bôas, said the Armed Forces fulfils its constitutional role, which is to answer the call of one of the three branches of the Republic. But what the Military must do if two or even three of these branches were corrupted?
Now there are enough evidences already that the Federal Government, the Supreme Court and the Congress either were involved in crimes or in a communist conspiracy and that those taking part in the plots represent the dominant forces in each of these institutions, and that they got there misleading the people.
So, there is no solution coming from these powers that doesn’t suit the interests of authorities who, under suspicion, are only not proven guilty because they are protected by the same government bodies they command.
About two million people took to the streets on March 15, 2015 and a little bit smaller massive protests occurred in another two posterior dates, when Brazilians called for the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. For almost 70 percent of voters the president must leave based on a series of logical rationales that make her directly or indirectly responsible for both electoral and administrative crimes, which are still unproven only because her cohorts work all the time to block any investigation from being successful.
Therefore, an impasse was reached with the large majority of Brazilians feeling they were cheated by the communists and their associates—who used several illegal means to keep their president in power—and acknowledging they are powerless to change the situation.
Some could argue that also wouldn’t do any good to avoid a dictatorship by favoring an unorthodox solution, which will be seen as a mere coup d'état, and that we must fight for democracy through democratic rules above all the things.
However, as the Gramscian strategy aims at destroying the values of the bourgeois society—so that the revolution of the proletariat may bring about the new values of the communist society—but it was the emergence of the bourgeoisie which made the existence of the democratic system possible, a Gramscian revolution neither will lead us through a democratic path nor we will reach a democratic destination.
Thus, it might be even more important to maintain the values on which a democratic regime is based than blindly obey the rules that were created inspired in such values, because the values are which sustain the rules and the contrary isn’t necessarily true.
There are No Pacts between Lions and Men.
It is laughable that the leftists in power, who not long ago were seeking hegemony, are now talking about pact, truce, transition or anything of the kind.
To them the political game must stop until the government finds its feet or at least until the eve of the 2018 election.
Roughly compared it would be the same that in the disastrous 7-1 World Cup game, after the third German goal, Brazil asked the adversary not to kick to the goal anymore until the Selecao had recovered.
In the case of the Team Brazil it is certain to affirm the game would finish 3-0 but in the current political game we couldn’t say the same because the leftists play a dirty game—they would not be ashamed of committing any wrongdoing to remain in power.
In other words what they are asking for is nothing else than a time to catch their breath, so that they can take the heat off them and restart their project of hegemony.
There are so many interests at stake for people in power not only in Brazil, but in Cuba, Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia and other leftist states—that were benefited by the largeness of Brazilian policies—to they let Dilma Rousseff give up the presidency.
And Rousseff herself plays a role of a soldier of her party in the same way other members of the Workers' Party do—as its treasurers who bear all the blame for their party's corruption but do not snitch their superiors.
The president is supposed to stay in office for the good or the bad, putting the PT in a win-win situation with its supporters splitting themselves into half for and half against the government policies. This is a cheated game and, as soon as one side fares better, both the factions should regroup under the command of which of them comes out victorious.
However, another major factor to be analyzed in this "culture war" is the tactic now employed by the Left, aiming at fighting a presumed intolerance on the part of the Right, which means nothing more than a way to pose as a victim, play dead and lower the political temperature.
The Left now cries wolf for every move of the Right that may seem more aggressive to them, alleging that there is a climate of bigotry and that it affects more the poor, the blacks and the minorities.
So, meanwhile it's hard to the socialists—due to the recent corruption scandals—to assemble a huge army of fierce loyalists to stand for progressive causes, they want to shut up the fiery opponents by pegging them as intolerant people.
Nevertheless—as it was recently demonstrated by the STF's ban on corporate campaign donations—the authoritarian leftists never cease their attempts to advance to occupy spaces, and if the conservatives do not take advantage from their current weakness the democracy in Brazil is seriously threatened.
The Spins The Leftist Media Do.
Every newspaper has its agenda and even if a media company tries to keep itself neutral the inevitable fights inside its offices would end up making its contents lean toward the Left or the Right.
Indeed in most firms aren’t even the owners who determine which color one vehicle has to carry and, as the example of Rupert Murdoch who has both leftist and rightist media companies shows, since the business goes on profitable the editors have free rein.
It’s also undeniable that most of the mainstream media is biased to the Left, such that Murdoch himself was able to perceive the obvious: if half the Americans used to vote in the Republicans and all of the TV channels had a progressive agenda, by creating a conservative broadcaster he would grab half the viewers who like to watch politics on TV.
In Brazil TV stations are licensed under a concession regime that makes impossible the emergence of a TV network like Rupert Murdoch’s Fox News, nonetheless these are other times and the Internet has given strength to conservative voices without the need of the media outlets’ approval.
The recent rightist mass demonstrations that took place across Brazil were a direct result of the mobilization through online social networks, and they would have occurred as much as big even if the mainstream media hadn’t covered them.
Such a loss of influence has worried the Left, whose opinion-makers make up the great majority of the journalists, reporters and chroniclers in the largest TVs, radios and newspapers, so that the leftists in the press have been forced to turn themselves into big spinners to justify Rousseff’s government and deconstruct the rightist movement.
One of the leftist men in the press is the Datafolha director Mauro Paulino, who enjoys making comments after his polling institute having surveyed any political issue. Paulino is either an undeniable leftist or he is a kiss-ass of the government of the day, for his comments always are biased positively towards the Left and negatively towards the Right
In his last commentary about the August 16 demonstrations against Dilma Rousseff’s government, Paulino said—based on a Datafolha survey—that there were few youngsters in the rallies because themes such as security, which is among the major concerns of poor young teenagers, were not present and asked why there was no banner condemning a 19-victim slaughter of days before. However, if such banner was spotted in the demonstrations he for sure would have said the anti-government rallies had no focus.
The Economic Model Proposed by the Left for the Country Smacks of Brazil’s Slavery Era.
A pack of wild dogs, of hyenas or other hierarchical organized groups like ants or bees, where only for the Alpha couple or the queen is allowed privileges such as procreation, would illustrate well the communist model the Left was carrying out in Brazil.
Big businesses, whose managers are coerced into contributing to the ruling party’s war chest, picked out from their sectors to be leveraged by public banks, along with a nationalistic argumentation that those companies create jobs and need to compete abroad make up the core of the economic system conceived by the Workers’ Party (PT) to govern Brazil.
In short, that’s what they call Capitalism of State, a pretentious name for the new communist shape they hint that will be a transitory and necessary stage for a truly socialist country in the future.
By giving carrots to big business — through low interest rates loans and facilitated, overpriced government contracts — and sticks — through turning their companies addicted to the state and sort of illicit — the ruling party became the real controller of Brazil’s biggest firms making their shareholders totally irrelevant.
The party even implemented the creation of several large BNDES-funded start-ups — whose Boards of Directors have to be friendly and helpful to Workers’ Party members —, to supply state-owned companies such as Petrobras with national-content equipment as demanded by a law passed under the PT’s rule.
Although the executives and owners of those privileged businesses were replaceable according to the political will, they — together with the politicians — formed the new elite of the country.
By means of such arrangement people are incentivized to set up a business but can grow only up to a certain point, where from there they will need the endorsement of members of the ruling party to become bigger and in return must contribute with money. Consequently, there is a phony capitalism since prices and demands are established from the top to the bottom.
If this economic and political system was previously planned or came through an adaptation the leftists found to undermine Brazil’s weak capitalism, aiming at turning the country’s economy into a state-regulated one, is anybody’s guess. But the fact is that the system suits perfectly well the communists’ projects in any circumstances since it dismantles the capitalist model.
However, it is startling to see how similar the so-called new model is to the old in slavery time, which is blasted by the leftists as the mother of all the evils. Both these models are made up of a tiny elite and a huge disfigured population, where outside the upper social layer people do not identify each other inside any common moral standard.
Because formerly the slaves were brought from different places and gathered randomly they used to lose their social principles; and now on the strength of an intense campaign orchestrated by the Left aiming at dismantling the existing bourgeois standards, the two societies seem increasingly similar.
Gene Hackman as a bullying policeman in the movie The French Connection.
BRAZIL & WORLD'S NEWS IN PORTUGUESE
• The lack of ideological debates turned politics only into corruption.
So at this time in Brazil some people are saying we have to forget ideology and fight together corrupt pols as if it was not the lack of ideological debates one of the main reasons of the widespread corruption.
The wear and tear of 21 years of military regime made candidates avoid the conservative speech mainly when running for top elected jobs. Therefore as they all were saying something similar their war chests would tell them apart.
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• Far Right X Far Left?
| If Bolsonaro is the Far Right who is the Far Left in Brazil?
The 2017 election in France was a good example of how the media like to use the concept of far right in a pejorative way. There Marine Le Pen represented the "Far Right" and hence she carried with her a lot of prejudices the news outlets help impose as bad for a society.
And although the French media had identified Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the Communist Party-backed candidate, as the far-left face in the race, Mélenchon's fundamentalism was painted with much lighter colors and the press even highlighted his tech insights, such as when he delivered through holograms his speech at several places at once.
But in Brazil, it seems the media have a dextrorotatory view and either the means of communication do not conceive that can exist the far-left side of the political spectrum or they avoid denominating someone as such.
For instance, the press even talks about a possible polarization between Bolsonaro "for the Far Right" and Lula "for the Workers' Party" as if the PT were not at the other polo of the former Army capitan's supporters.
Of course, there are insignificant left-wing parties that the media doesn't mind to refer as far-left but almost all of them orbit the Workers' Party, functioning as much as a proxy for the PT.
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|English Tips and Curiosities (without pain).
1• verbs after preposition Nós usamos a forma -ING se um verbo vem depois de uma preposição, porém este soa como infinitivo. |
between standing....and hiding entre permanecer....e esconder-se |
It's a fine line between standing behind a principle and hiding behind one. É um limite tênue entre permanecer atrás de um princípio e esconder-se atrás de um. |
2• American English..x..British English Algumas palavras são escritas de modo diferente no inglês americano e no inglês britânico. |